In his vision of Indonesia speech last Sunday, July 14 2019, President-elect Jokowi mentioned Pancasila, which among other things he emphasized as follows:
"There is no tolerance for those who try to interfere with Pancasila as the ideology of the Indonesian nation. In the future, no one will question Pancasila anymore. Indonesia wants to be together in diversity in accordance with Bhineka. Tunggal Ika".
The President-elect's speech seems to be directed at radical groups, who still question Pancasila as the state's foundation, because lately the radicals have not dwindled but are increasingly widespread, it is even suspected that there are several officials who are suspected of being exposed to radicalism within the East Java Provincial Government.
For the Indonesian people, actually
Pancasila was considered final, because the birth of Pancasila at that time was also based on the role of Ulama and Nationalists and did not contradict it as a religion.
Pancasila itself, established as the basis of the state, did not happen once, but through a long and tortuous process through presentations delivered by more than 30 speakers in a forum for members of a body called BPUPKI (Badan Investigating Efforts to Prepare for Indonesian Independence) consisting of more than 60 main figures of the Indonesian National movement which included Ir Sukarno, Drs Mohamad Hatta and KH Wahid Hasyim.
This body is tasked with discussing everything that is needed in establishing the State and formulating the basis of the Indonesian state when it becomes independent later.
Among the figures who became the speakers who were so many in the past few days, there was M. Yamin who delivered the formulation of the 5 Basics of the State, and Prof. Dr. Supomo who also revealed about the 5 basic points of the state as a different editor.
After the trial until the fourth day as dozens of speakers who explained the basic formulation of the country there was still no bright spot, then on the fourth day of the session, June 1, 1945, Ir. Sukarno made a speech and presented the five-point concept that was proposed to form the basis of the state he called "Pancssila", namely:
- -Nationality,
- -Internationalism and Humanity,
- - Consultation - representation and consensus,
- -Social welfare.
- -Deity.
Bung Karno's idea was accepted by acclamation, but within BPUPKI it was divided into two major currents. Islamic groups want a state based on Islamic law. So they judged that the phrase "Divinity" was not clear and needed to be clarified according to Islamic principles. While the nationalists do not want the basis of the state as a certain religious law.
Finally, on June 1, a small committee consisting of 9 people was formed, chaired by Ir Sukarno as vice chairman, Drs. Mohamad Hatta and KH Wahid Hasyim also joined as one of its members.
The nine people identified as Committee 9 were tasked with drafting various inputs from previous concepts that had been put forward by BPUPKI members regarding the basis of the Indonesian state based on Bung Karno's speech on June 1,
After going through a fairly difficult process of negotiation and lobbying between nationalists and religious people, on June 22, 1945, the 9th Committee met again and succeeded in formulating the state constitution which reads:
- 1. Divinity as an obligation to carry out Islamic law for its adherents.
- 2. Just and civilized humanity.
- 3. Indonesian Union.
- 4. Democracy led by wisdom in representative deliberation.
- 5. Social justice for all Indonesian people.
Of the 9 movement figures who were members of the 9th Committee, four people who can be called the ranks of the Islamic Nationalists, spearheaded the ratification of the Jakarta Charter through tortuous debates, while 5 other members of what some called the Secular Nationalist group rejected it.
The Jakarta Charter, which was designed as the preamble to the country's Constitution, was then finalized during the second BPUPKI trial on July 10, 1945, whose main agenda was to discuss the Draft 45 Constitution.
In this second BPUPKI session, debates continued among the session participants regarding the application of Islamic rules and Islamic law in the new country later. The Jakarta Charter was eventually approved as a slightly different rule and editorial. Among other important decisions in the trial. is to make the Jakarta Charter the Muqadimah of the 1945 Constitution.
Having completed their duties, the following month, August 7, BPUPKI was dissolved and at that time the PPKI (Committee for Indonesian Independence Preparation) was formed with 21 members as Ir Sukarno as Chairman, Mohamad Hatta as Deputy Chair and KH Wahid Hasyim entered as one of the members. his. PPKI is in charge of formalizing the preamble and body of the 1945 Constitution and continuing the work of BPUPKI and others.
On August 17, 1945, the night, the morning when Indonesia's independence was proclaimed, there was information stating that residents of Eastern Indonesia who were not Muslim, objected to the inclusion of the Jakarta Charter in the Preamble of the Constitution. If not changed, they prefer to stand outside the Republic of Indonesia. So the next day, August 18, 1945, there was a change in the results of the agreement and compromise of political lobbies. Among the changes are: The word "Mukaddmah," which comes from Arabic, was replaced as the word "Preamble" and the Jakarta Charter which became the preamble to the 1945 Constitution, which reads "1. Belief with the obligation to carry out Islamic law for its adherents", was replaced as: " 1. Belief in the One Supreme, namely to remove the seven words behind "Ketuhanan" and replace it as "The Almighty".
Although KH Wahid Hasyim, son of KH Hasyim Asy'sri, who participated in Committee 9, was in a group that supported the implementation of the seven sentences of the Jakarta Charter, but he did not want to force himself to defend his wish, because doing so could be very risky. In addition, the sentence "The Almighty" instead of the seven sentences of the Jakarta Charter, is the concept of monotheism in Islam, so there is no reason for Muslims to reject the concept in Pancasila. That way, the Indonesian state is a Pancasila state, not an Islamic state, but also not a secular state, because secularism is an understanding that distinguishes between state and religion diametrically. in a secular state, there is no relationship between the state system as a religion. And even though Indonesia is not an Islamic country, the precepts of Pancasila are the basis of a state that represents the entire Indonesian nation. With this concept, Muslims have the right to practice their religious beliefs without discriminating against other religious beliefs, so that there is no intolerance of national life in the name of ethnicity, religion and others.
In the Pancasila state, the relationship between religion and the state is placed in a symbolic paradigm. The relationship between the state and religion is understood to need each other and is reciprocal. The state needs religion and religion also needs the state, but religion does not have to be the basis of the state.
NU itself can accept the form of the state as the basis of such a Pancasila state, because since its establishment in 1926, the Islamic organization formed by the Islamic boarding school kiai has proclaimed itself as an adherent of the teachings of Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah. Aswaja NU, which was later known as Aswaja An Nahdliyah, which is believed to be the teachings of Islam which was conveyed by the Prophet sallallaahu Alayhi Wasallam to his friends, is very flexible and in a state that is not rigid, can accept a country as a form of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and does not have to be an Islamic state. For NU, the basis of the state does not have to be Islamic, the important thing is to protect adherents of the Islamic religion to worship. Even when the DI/TII rebellion emerged in the early days of independence who wanted to establish an Islamic state, the kiyai who were gathered in the KPK (Kiyai-Kiyai Security Assistant) under the leadership of KH Muslich and KH As'ad Syamsul Arifin as members for the East Java region, do not hesitate to punish DI/TII as a Bughat or a rebel group that disturbs the security of the nation and state nationally, so it needs to be fought.
That is also why, when the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state resurfaced which was later narrowed down to Islam and Pancasila in the New Order era, then in its 27th congress in 1984, NU reaffirmed the acceptance of Pancasila as the basis of the state and at the same time accepted Pancasila as its organizational principle. This is because if you look at the details, there is no element in the Pancasila points that contradicts Islam. In fact, all of them are in line with Islamic teachings, one of which is an important part of Islamic teachings.
As for Islamic principles, NU itself only included Islamic principles after becoming a political party in 1952. At its inception, NU did not mention the principles in AD/ART. Therefore, the notion of "principle" does not have to be identified as religion. Understanding the principle, usually only at the level of an ideology which incidentally is the result of human formulation, including Pancasila is an ideology formulated by humans that is not contradictory to Islam.
Thus, NU's view of Pancasila was formulated in two parts in the 1983 Ulama Alim Munas in Situbondo which was confirmed in the 27th Congress, 1984 in the same place. The first part is general in nature in the form of a declaration regarding the relationship between Pancasila as Islam, while the second part is specifically concerning its relationship as an organization.
Until now, Pancasila as the state ideology is still the only ideology that can dynamically and harmoniously accommodate the values of religious and cultural diversity, so that Indonesia is solid and intact, not trapped into a secular state that ignores religious values, even though it is not a religious state.